Dhruba Sarker, Shahriar Hayat Shad, and Md. Shakil Ahmed
There was once a proud tradition of a legal system that, at least on paper, maintained order and justice which is currently being eroded. Even as people continue to express their devotion to the law, they have witnessed enough instances of perpetrators going free that they are increasingly faced with the choice of meting out justice themselves, as a means of ‘doing something’ about crime that authorities are not effectively addressing. There has been a spate of lynchings and mob attacks on citizens over the past twelve months that indicates, quite ominously, that social trust is being lost. Polls reflect this growing anxiety. One survey conducted in 2024 indicated that only 72% of Bangladeshis lacked faith that the police would deal with crimes promptly, and as of mid-2025, 80% of citizens reported that they are afraid of mob attacks on their communities.’
According to specialists, there are many factors that have caused this crisis, namely. Police forces are weakened because roughly 30% of their positions are vacant following last year’s political instability, and about 450 of the country’s 639 police stations have been damaged or abandoned due to intimidation and personnel shortages. Criminal elements operate freely due to a lack of public support. A lack of trust due to politicised police forces and slow judicial systems made it doubtful whether anything would be done about crime anyway. Recently, a human rights assessment of this tide of mob attacks did not mince words, stating that “it is a crisis of governance, trust, and economic justice.” Social media hoaxes and rumour-driven loudspeaker warnings have fueled episodes of physical violence in rural and urban communities worldwide. Indeed, a rumour of child abduction in Chittagong on March 3, 2025, led onlookers to instantly lynch a suspected offender, and a mentally ill university student was beaten to death at Dhaka University because of gossip about shoplifting. All these instances show how mass anxiety can override caution, especially in communities that have little trust in law enforcement protection.
Bangladesh has a history of rural community dispute resolution, where community-based punishments were always allowed outside formal legal systems. These traditions, once exclusive to rural areas, are now spilling over into urban politics, as citizens believe they are entitled to instant justice.
However, the human toll has been surprisingly restrained. According to human rights groups, more than 152 people have died from mob violence since January 2025 alone. One source reports that as many as 637 people have been victims of lynching since last August, a twelve-fold increase from 2023. These victims could include criminals, politicians, or common people caught in chaos or unrest.
Even protesters calling for change can become victims of lynching, as recently pointed out by a terse comment from the adviser to Bangladesh’s Home Minister, who observed that “majority of cases” reported by citizens stem from ‘long-standing grievances’ or, put simply, ‘anger built up.’ He assured that this explains why people continue to lynch others at will, as each lynching indicates that people view their legal system as ineffective. This sentiment is often reiterated by its interim authorities, who emphasise that ‘no one has a right’ or is justified in enforcing justice outside of the law.’
Police officers are now on the defensive as mobs become increasingly bold. Police morale has been shattered by last year’s events. Within the force, officers feel that they lack protection as they respond to certain situations. Many of these officers no longer feel comfortable pursuing or intervening in fights, as they know that if anything goes wrong, they would get no support at all. Even then, the Inspector General has admitted that they are still “underperforming.” Everyone is raising alarms in Bangladesh today. In both urban and rural areas, people express shock and defiance simultaneously. According to a survey conducted by the BRAC Institute in mid-2025, 80% of respondents expressed concern about mob attacks. Relatives of lynched victims often exclaim, “What was the police doing then?” This has become a common refrain after each lynching. According to international observers, this kind of public outrage has roots in legitimate grievances.
Despite all of this, some citizens have had enough, and their minds focus on one word: justice. They demand that perpetrators be handed over to authorities instead of being lynched in the streets. However, they acknowledge that several high-profile cases have dragged on for years. Today, Bangladesh faces a critical decision. As one analyst has warned, unless institutions are strengthened, the country will remain trapped in this cycle of mob justice. Repeatedly, editorials and articles emphasise that this issue is not just about law and order but, as one author stated, “a crisis of governance, trust, and economic justice.” In other words, unless the state can regain people’s trust, it will be the mob, not the judiciary, that keeps dispensing justice. This interim government has announced reforms, including new police commissions, de-escalation techniques, and campaigns against extremists. However, some rights groups warn against replacing one form of toughness with another. Punishing perpetrators after the fact can never replace crime prevention or rapid justice. Many argue that only some fundamental changes such as increasing police personnel, speeding up court processing, providing more legal aid, and countering online rumours will be sufficient to ensure that people do not feel abandoned.
