India’s Gen Z has made history by transforming a serious national movement generated by an organisation just two months old, which even compelled the resignation of the country’s Education Minister. Instead of getting offended by the ‘cockroach’ comment by the Chief Justice, the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) was formed immediately, and they started to march in the streets wearing cockroach attire. They were quite the rebels; their unconventional style of music included playing the national anthem so the police would have to stand at attention, making reels with the phrase ‘Guys, we’re going to get beaten up – check out the fit’ and, of course, creating memes. They even protested in a Spider-Man mask and Batman costume, played AI parody songs which imitate Modi’s voice through loudspeakers and even staged a ‘15-minute hunger strike’ with a burger break halfway through.
In war, infantry is on the extreme left. They are the first to face the enemy’s attack, to fire, and to shed blood. Going forward, to embrace death with the chest, and going backward, to receive death in the back. On the battlefield, they are the largest in size, but the generals who make the final decisions of war sit in another war-room, in a secure and protected command post, away from the battlefield. The modern-day South Asian political movements appear to be a new generation that has come onto the streets as a form of infantry – known as Generation Z or Gen Z. Young people are found all over the world, from Sri Lanka to Nepal, from Bangladesh to the recent student uprising in India, and so on – a new political reality is that young people are everywhere. But what is it that as this war’s infantry gets the spotlight, the generals are out of sight?
A new type of political communication has been the driving force behind this change. In the past, newspapers, television and organisations were used to influence public opinion on issues, which was determined by states and political parties. This one-way communication is under threat today from other digital platforms. Indian political analyst Varghese K. George claims that the younger generation is throwing the older model of digital political organisation to the winds. A new communication culture has come into politics – a culture in which digital speed, visibility and emotion, driven by algorithms, are the central factors of public opinion.
The ‘Cockroach Party’ has given voice to the deprived and angry generation in India, who have lost their voice. There have been instances of similar youth-led mass movements in Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh. In most cases, though, the expectations and outcomes of these movements are far from meeting. In Bangladesh and Nepal, even after moving away from traditional systems, there has been an increase in uncertainty and risk.
The biggest asset of Gen Z is their ability to organise in no time. Despite not being part of the mainstream political system, its members can act in concert with the click of a finger via smartphone, social media and digital networks. Thousands of people may gather on the streets under the same demand with just a video, a post or a viral message. That’s why this new generation is challenging the old political system, and not just with marches, but with mobile screens, the speed of information and the power to influence public opinion.
The biggest question, however, is whether this is solely an expression of a new political consciousness or whether members of Gen Z at times are directed to political ends by digital algorithms and the interests of the political system? The social media algorithms aim to amplify people’s emotions, from anger to excitement. A movement which starts with a real problem, therefore, can become too emotional or too divisive. The lesson of political history is that the strength of young people has always been an important element of change. But it is also the history of politics to have employed young people often for their own ends. The people on the ground with the young are generally young, but behind the political moves are the experienced and powerful political players. The infantry on the battlefield risk much most of the time, but the generals still make the final decisions regarding the war in the language of military strategy.
This is what has come into the spotlight as Gen Z is taking over South Asia. It is not only about pledging for a change in the government, but Sri Lanka’s movement, political discontent among the youth of Nepal, and several student movements in Bangladesh have demonstrated the new generation’s dissatisfaction with the effectiveness of the system. They ask: How is it that education, work, and the economy and the state institutions are unable to provide their future?
But the political structure has to be kept in mind to know the power and constraints of movements in a large democracy like India. India is one of the world’s largest electoral democracies, with the Constitution, the electoral system, the judiciary, and the power balance between the federal and state governments laying the groundwork for political transformation. Elections are the main way to transfer state power peacefully and legally, but mass movements can also affect the state and bring about changes in its policies. The ability to change government is not the sole measure of a movement’s success in a democratic system – it also depends on the ability to make institutions more accountable.
Tanks, aircraft, or modern weapons may change the speed of a war, but it is the infantry that draws the final line of victory. In military terms, the first martyr of a war is an infantry soldier. The infantry takes risks and gains control of the ground. Today’s Gen Z is much like that political infantry – it is large in number, dynamic, and the most visible force. Its members take to the streets, raise questions, build resistance, and create pressure on those in power. But courage alone is not enough in political warfare; clear goals, appropriate strategies, and the ability to determine one’s own future are also essential.
History shows that infantry soldiers have often opened the door to war, but others have written the story of victory. Therefore, Gen Z’s greatest challenge is to ensure that it becomes the soldier of change rather than the instrument of someone else’s strategy. Before protesting, it must understand; before leading, it must learn; and before bringing change, it must think. The infantry does not merely move forward. It must know which war it is fighting, for whom it is fighting, and whose hands will raise the flag of victory when the war is over.
The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author
The writer is an Associate Professor, Department of Communication and Journalism, University of Chittagong; Doctoral Scholar, School of Journalism and Mass Communication, Jadavpur University, India. Email: [email protected]
