This article first appeared on the Far Eastern Economic Review magazine on 5 June 1981. TIMES of Bangladesh is republishing the story without any changes in honour of Ziaur Rahman.
The young state of Bangladesh was born out of the barrel of a gun 10 years ago, and after that bloody beginning it has now notched up an unenviable record by sending both of its leaders since independence to a violent death.
Just five years and nine months after the “father of Bangladesh”, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was assassinated with members of his family by young army officers, his effective successor, President Ziaur Rahman, was himself gunned down by his own army officers.
The only discernible difference between the two incidents is that unlike the post-Mujib scenario, the armed forces are lending total support to an interim government, without overtly showing their muscle, and have so far stood by the Constitution.
While hundreds of thousands of Bangladeshis filed past Zia’s body as it lay in state in front of Dacca’s parliament building before being buried with full military honours, a tribunal was set up to investigate the circumstances of the death of the youthful 45-year-old president.
A court martial was also announced to try the army officers responsible for his death after the leader of the abortive coup, Maj.-Gen. Mohammad Abul Manzur, had himself been killed in uncertain circumstances.
Zia had cancelled a scheduled trip to Jeddah on May 24, six days before his death, where he was to have attended a meeting of the Islamic peace mission which is trying to end the Iran-Iraq war.
He was worried about the situation at home following the Indian occupation of New Moore (or South Talapatty) island in the Bay of Bengal (REVIEW, May 29). Zia then made an unscheduled fateful trip to the port-city of Chittagong on May 29, ostensibly to settle an internecine quarrel among stalwarts of his ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) there.
There was nothing unusual about Zia’s trip — he was a constant traveller both in his country and abroad. And he was trying to keep the multi-factional BNP together and reach a consensus. But he made two mistakes against the expressed advice of his intelligence men.
First, Zia issued an order transferring Maj.-Gen. Manzur, Chittagong’s powerful and tough army commander, to Dacca as commandant of the Staff Training College.
The decision followed a recent heated argument between Zia and Manzur in Dacca on the overall socio-political situation in the country. Zia’s second mistake was to allow the transfer order to reach Manzur the day the president arrived in Chittagong on a 24-hour visit.
In the early evening of the day he arrived, Manzur reportedly saw the president at the downtown Circuit House, the official guest house where Zia was staying. He demanded immediate withdrawal of his transfer order.
According to sources, Manzur was visibly agitated and his voice was heard by others waiting outside.
Zia apparently maintained his cool and firmly told Manzur that as an army officer he should obey orders or resign, and that he would be liable for court martial for what he was doing. Manzur was then seen bolting out of the building.
After the incident, Zia held another meeting with the BNP leaders until about midnight before retiring to bed.
The attempted coup was launched by Manzur between 2:30 a.m. and 4:30 a.m. the following morning.
A group of armed soldiers with light automatic weapons led by Lieut-Col Mehbubur Rahman (a nephew of Manzur) surrounded the Circuit House before engaging members of the president’s bodyguard regiment and policemen.
It did not take them long to finish off the resistance before storming the Circuit House. Two of Zia’s personal security staff reportedly exchanged fire with the intruders before being gunned down, presumably along with their president.
Lieut-Col Mahfuzur Rahman, personal secretary to Zia in his capacity as supreme commander, escaped and reportedly called General Headquarters in Dacca at around 5 a.m. with details of the incident.
Vice-President Justice Abdus Sattar, 75, now acting president, who was not well and was resting at the Combined Military Hospital, was seen desperately trying to telephone the divisional commissioner of Chittagong at about 7 a.m.
It was not until 10 a.m. that news of Zia’s death was announced from Dacca over Bangladesh Radio. Within an hour, people started to make for their homes and a traffic jam developed in the capital.
Meanwhile, Manzur had made his first announcement over Chittagong Radio after 9 a.m. The announcement said that the president had been killed and a revolutionary command council had taken over power.
It further said that the Constitution was abrogated, parliament dissolved, the Indo-Bangladesh 25-year friendship treaty scrapped and drinking and gambling banned.
However, Vice-President Sattar addressed the nation over Dacca Radio briefly, informing people of the incident and saying that he had taken over as acting president according to the Constitution and had proclaimed an emergency.
Total confusion reigned at the Bangabhavan, the presidential palace. Soon after the announcement, a cabinet meeting was held and armed services chiefs formally pledged their loyalty to the government.
Naval chief Rear-Adm. M. A. Khan was in Chittagong at the time and returned to Dacca in a patrol boat after spending several hours at Chittagong naval base.
Soon after receiving news of Zia’s death, the military leaders in Dacca reportedly held a meeting, and after consulting commanders of the provincial garrisons decided to give total support to the government. Soon after, Lieut-Gen.
M. Ershad, army chief-of-staff, speaking on radio and TV directed the rebels in Chittagong led by Manzur to surrender immediately.
All the country’s opposition leaders responded to the acting president’s call for a meeting and reiterated their firm adherence to constitutional and democratic politics. They issued a statement denouncing the “politics of violence.”
Late on May 30, Manzur contacted Dacca General Headquarters on his own to negotiate terms. These boiled down to three conditions: a major reshuffling of the cabinet; sacking of seven generals, including Ershad, and Manzur’s safe passage.
Ershad had already assured Manzur that he would be granted safe passage if he surrendered. The government turned down the other conditions of the ultimatum. Instead, a firm deadline was given for Manzur’s surrender, which was subsequently extended twice until 6:30 a.m. on June 1.
Manzur finally fled his Chittagong headquarters at least three hours before the deadline. He was reportedly arrested by special police in the Chittagong Hill Tracts area, about 60 miles from the city.
Bangladesh Radio subsequently reported that Manzur was killed by angry troops, as he was being brought from his hideout. Two other rebel officers were also reportedly killed.
Manzur had fled his post even before loyalist troops could reach Chittagong.
He took four of his staunchest supporters — Brig. Mohsenuddin Ahmed (a newly promoted officer posted to Chittagong recently), Col Nawajeshuddin, Lieut-Col Mehbubur Rahman and Lieut-Col Matiur Rahman — with him while heading towards Ramgarh, a subdivisional town bordering the Indian state of Agartala.
Members of Manzur’s family are known to be living in his Chittagong cantonment residence.
When Zia’s death was first announced, people initially panicked thinking of the obvious backlash and uncertainty. While many found it difficult to conceal their delight, by and large a gloomy atmosphere prevailed in Dacca.
Many who had never even met the president sobbed openly. Now, with the return of order and a swift end to the coup, Bangladesh’s tears are drying once again as the nation waits for a new leader to emerge in presidential elections which are due within 180 days.
The Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER or The Review) was an Asian business magazine published from 1946 to 2009. The English-language news magazine was based in Hong Kong and published weekly.
