Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, which insists it is a non-political Islamic movement, is struggling to contain growing internal divisions as its senior leaders openly align with rival political alliances ahead of the 13th parliamentary election.
While Hefazat presents itself as a body devoted purely to religious education and moral reform, insiders and analysts say the organisation is deeply entangled in politics, with many of its senior clerics manoeuvring for influence and electoral advantage. Top leaders, however, continue to deny any crisis, taking visible steps to project unity.
Hefazat and its affiliated groups have limited direct influence at the ballot box. But since last year’s “July Revolution”, which toppled the government and temporarily suspended Awami League’s political activities, the group has sensed a new opportunity. With mainstream parties weakened, smaller Islamist outfits have found themselves courted by larger coalitions eager to secure votes.
Hefazat’s Senior Joint Secretary General Junaid Al Habib defended the involvement of clerics across different political streams.
“Many of our members also belong to various Islamic parties,” he said. “So even if these parties join different alliances in the next election, it won’t cause a crisis within Hefazat.”
Yet signs of discord are everywhere. A recent outburst by Hefazat Amir (chief) Mahibullah Babunagari, who branded Jamaat-e-Islami a “fraudulent Islamic party”, has reignited long-standing divisions among Qawmi clerics. The remark came shortly after two BNP Standing Committee members visited him at Chattogram’s Hathazari Madrasa, fuelling speculation about political motives. Hefazat later insisted the comment was Babunagari’s “personal opinion”.
Most leaders tied to Hefazat hail from the Qawmi and Indian Deobandi madrasa traditions. The group serves as an umbrella for parties including Jamiat-e-Ulama-e-Islam, Bangladesh Khelafat Majlish, Islami Oikya Jote, Khelafat Majlish, Nizam-e-Islam Party and Khelafat Andolan. Senior clerics from these parties occupy key positions within Hefazat’s hierarchy, blurring the line between its religious and political identities.
Although Hefazat and Islami Andolan Bangladesh — led by the influential Charmonai Pir — share similar ideological roots, leaders of the latter hold no formal posts in Hefazat.
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, the country’s largest Islamist party, has long had sharp doctrinal disputes with Hefazat’s Qawmi school due to Jamaat’s “Maududi-inspired” ideology. But after the July uprising reshaped the political landscape, many Qawmi leaders have grown closer to Jamaat, viewing cooperation as strategically advantageous.
Among them are Islami Andolan Bangladesh, Bangladesh Khelafat Majlish, Khelafat Majlish and Nizam-e-Islam Party. These groups are now jointly campaigning with Jamaat to implement the “July Charter” and press five key demands through a national referendum. Even so, several leaders remain hesitant, weighing political risks and rewards before committing to any single coalition.
Multiple sources say factions of Jamiat-e-Ulama-e-Islam and Islami Oikya Jote are preparing to align with the BNP. Reports suggest the BNP has given a “green signal” to Jamiat President Obaidullah Faruk to contest from Sylhet-5 (Kanaighat–Zakiganj) and to Junaid Al Habib from Brahmanbaria-2. Faruk also ran under the BNP alliance banner in the 2018 election.
Although currently cooperating with Jamaat in street movements, Bangladesh Khelafat Majlish Amir and Hefazat Joint Secretary General Mamunul Haque is widely expected to join the BNP-led alliance, with rumours that the BNP will leave the Dhaka-7 seat for him.
“We are part of a logical movement by several Islamic parties, but our final electoral alliance has not been decided yet,” Mamunul said.
Meanwhile, the secretary general of the other Khelafat Majlish and Hefazat’s nayeb-e-amir (deputy chief), Ahmad Abdul Qadir, is likely to side with Jamaat. Khelafat Andolan Amir Maulana Habibullah Miaji and Nizam-e-Islam Secretary General Mufti Musa bin Izhar — both Hefazat joint secretary generals — are also participating in joint programmes with a clear inclination towards joining Jamaat’s bloc.
Hefazat insiders admit disagreements over electoral alliances have reached boiling point. Senior clerics have begun criticising each other in sermons and statements, often in coded language. Even Islami Andolan — which shares Hefazat’s ideological base — has come under attack for seeking cooperation with Jamaat.
Islami Andolan’s senior joint secretary general, Gazi Ataur Rahman, told TIMES: “In 2013, Hefazat leaders shared a stage with Jamaat, but now they oppose the party — why the double standards? They forbid people to vote for Jamaat but have no issue allying with BNP’s extortionists — what kind of position is that? They even called the former prime minister ‘Mother of the Qawmi’ — how do they justify that?”
District-level Hefazat leaders in Jessore and Satkhira say Amir Babunagari’s remarks and the alliance debate have caused personal rifts across the network. Competing coalitions, they note, have turned former allies into rivals.
Seeking to project calm, Hefazat’s senior leaders held a press conference on Monday, reiterating that the organisation remains united and non-political. They issued instructions barring members from making statements supporting or opposing any party before the polls. Madrasa administrators under Hefazat’s supervision have also been warned to avoid accepting political donations in the run-up to the election.
Hefazat and Jamiat Joint Secretary General Monir Hossain Kasemi dismissed talk of division, calling it “mere rumours”.
“There is no crisis over electoral alliances — it’s just rumours,” he said.
Officially, Hefazat maintains that it will not take part in any electoral alliance, arguing that its members’ political activities are personal. Yet the growing evidence of partisanship within its leadership has led critics to accuse the organisation of hypocrisy — claiming neutrality while acting as a political broker for parties with sharply opposing ideologies.
The contradiction is not new. In 2018, fierce debate erupted when Hefazat honoured then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina with the title “Mother of the Qawmi” at a rally in Dhaka’s Suhrawardy Udyan. Many within the group were outraged, recalling that during Hefazat’s 5 May 2013 rally in Motijheel, security forces and Awami League activists launched “Operation Searchlight”, leaving scores of its activists dead or injured.
The repeated cycles of denial and political flirtation have left Hefazat’s claim of non-partisanship increasingly hard to sustain.
