Despite promising to strengthen the local government system in its election manifesto, the BNP government has taken no such steps since coming to power, with its first budget failing to reflect this commitment.
Aside from union parishads, local government bodies have lacked elected representatives for two and a half years, severely disrupting civic services.
Yet, the government, elected last February, has shown little interest in holding local elections.
This delay contrasts sharply with previous administrations.
Following the December 2008 general election, upazila and municipal elections commenced within three weeks of government formation.
Similarly, upazila elections began just a month after the January 2014 polls, with municipal elections closely following.
While the Election Commission is now targeting October for these polls, the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government had previously dissolved all city corporations, municipalities, upazila councils, and district councils following the August 2024 uprising. Appointed administrators currently run these bodies, but face widespread criticism for failing to meet public expectations.
Explaining the deadlock, Sadik Hasan, a public administration professor at Dhaka University, told TIMES of Bangladesh, “I think the government is buying time. They are trying to repeal a 2015 law that mandates elections on party symbols, though no relevant bill was introduced this parliamentary session.”
“Furthermore, one of the country’s major political parties was barred from the national elections. Parliament remains divided on whether to allow their participation in local polls, and there is clearly no consensus on the matter yet,” he added.
Party leaders become administrators
Despite promising in its manifesto never to appoint administrators to local government institutions unless a post becomes vacant through death or a court order, the BNP has seemingly bypassed this commitment.
While the party technically kept its written pledge not to dismiss any public representative before they were proven guilty in court, the new government has systematically removed Yunus administration-appointed administrators across city corporations, replacing them with party loyalists.
Furthermore, BNP politicians have been handed leadership roles within various specialised district development authorities.
This shift became evident just ten days after the 12 February parliamentary elections, when Md Shafiqul Islam Khan Milton, a BNP candidate for Dhaka-15, was appointed administrator of Dhaka North City Corporation.
Similarly, Md Abdus Salam, convener of Dhaka Metropolitan South BNP, took over Dhaka South City Corporation, later confirming to TIMES that he is using the role to prepare for the upcoming mayoral race.
This trend quickly expanded nationwide. On 15 March, the Local Government Division appointed party figures across 42 district councils, followed by 14 more a fortnight later.
On 4 June, political appointees took over the final three remaining district councils.
Commenting on these developments, Mamun Al Mustafa, a political science professor at Dhaka University, urged the government to ensure good governance by holding local elections immediately.
Meanwhile, Professor Sadik Hasan observed that the BNP is deliberately embedding its own people locally to secure an electoral advantage. When asked if this partisan control would compromise the integrity of the upcoming votes, Hasan admitted it posed a significant obstacle, noting that ensuring fair local elections remains historically difficult in Bangladesh.
BNP fails to form local govt spending commission
The BNP’s manifesto promised to reduce regional inequalities by allocating a significant portion of the development budget to local governments through an independent statutory commission. However, their first budget lacked any initiatives or explanations regarding this body.
Professor Mamun Al Mustafa noted that while establishing the commission takes time, an official explanation was warranted.
He emphasised that without independent revenue, local bodies remain entirely dependent on central funding, allowing the government to distribute finances at will.
Meanwhile, Professor Sadik Hasan observed that the commission seems to be a low priority, suggesting a policy statement may not surface until next year.
MPs’ local development funds spark criticism
The government plans to allocate Tk50 crore to each MP, Tk10 crore annually for five years, for constituency-specific infrastructure development. To implement this, the Local Government Engineering Department (LGED) has proposed a Tk15,000 crore project, allowing MPs to discretionary direct funds toward local roads, bridges, culverts, and markets.
Meanwhile, on 29 June, LGRD Minister Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir told parliament that the Prime Minister has granted around Tk20 crore from his discretionary fund for constituencies represented by opposition MPs, excluding city corporation areas.
Critics argue this shift contradicts the BNP’s manifesto commitments to empower local government bodies independently. Professor Sadik Hasan told TIMES that the move undermines the core philosophy of local governance and Bangladesh’s parliamentary system.
“Local government should remain free from central political influence,” Hasan said, warning that giving Tk50 crore to an MP risks funds being funnelled exclusively to political favourites. He stressed that an MP’s primary constitutional duty is law-making, not distributing development funds. Asked if the administration has abandoned its decentralisation promises, Hasan added, “That is certainly how it appears. At the very least, the government owes the public a clear explanation.”
Concerns over MPs’ office in upazila parishads
The government’s decision to build modern “inspection rooms” for MPs within upazila parishads has sparked fierce criticism, with experts warning it cements parliamentary dominance over local governance.
Professor Sadik Hasan said MPs should have no involvement at the local level. He warned that a designated space will breed political coteries and conflicts of interest, ultimately undermining democracy.
While LGRD Minister Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir and State Minister Mir Shahe Alam did not respond to requests for comment, Shahe Alam vigorously defended the policy in parliament.
He explained the initiative addresses a long-standing grievance, providing MPs a proper place to sit when visiting their constituencies.
Critics, however, view this structural change as a step away from decentralisation, effectively placing central political authority directly at the heart of local administration.
What BNP says
When questioned about the manifesto pledge against appointing administrators, BNP Local Government Affairs Secretary Sohrab Uddin countered that the administration is moving as fast as possible.
“The government has only been in power for four months,” Sohrab told TIMES. “We don’t view this as a failure to keep our promises. These commitments will be implemented incrementally through upcoming elections.”
Sohrab also dismissed concerns regarding the controversial development fund allocated to MPs, arguing that central and local funding streams remain entirely separate. “Allocations for MPs and allocations for local government institutions are two completely distinct matters,” he said. “There is absolutely no possibility that local government bodies will lose out because of this.”
