Imagine a future where Bangladesh’s foreign service does not just read reports on global climate change, but uses real-time AI modeling to negotiate better climate funding. Imagine a diplomat who, through AI-powered linguistic and cultural analysis, bridges the gap in a high-stakes trade negotiation in minutes, not days. This is not science fiction; it is the new ‘Algorithm of Statecraft’ currently being mastered by our neighbours.
The age of AI diplomacy is upon us. Across Asia and beyond, nations are mobilising their diplomatic establishments, treating artificial intelligence not merely as a tech trend, but as a core pillar of national power. For Bangladesh, the question is no longer whether to join this transformation, but how to do so with the strategic urgency our future demands.
Before looking at the broader regional landscape, we can learn much from Singapore’s sophisticated approach. Singapore has positioned itself as a ‘trusted hub’ for AI diplomacy, focusing on practical cooperation rather than symbolic leadership alone. By building bilateral AI collaborations with the US, China, and the UK, Singapore is creating an exportable framework for AI safety, security, and standards. Their ‘Model AI Governance Framework’ and ‘AI Verify’ tools are prime examples of how a nation can export its own regulatory standards to the world stage. For Bangladesh, the lesson is that AI diplomacy is about building trust mechanisms that allow us to participate in global digital ecosystems on our own terms.
Governance is being rewritten by the ability to process data at scale. India recognised this early by establishing the New, Emerging and Strategic Technologies (NEST) Division within its Ministry of External Affairs. NEST acts as the central nervous system for India’s tech-diplomacy, coordinating everything from UN governance rules to critical partnerships like the India-U.S. initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology (iCET). By institutionalising tech expertise, India ensures its diplomats aren’t just reacting to the digital world – they are helping to write its rules. For Bangladesh, the lesson is clear: we need a dedicated unit within our Foreign Ministry to serve as a hub for tech strategy, ensuring our voice is heard in the global discourse on AI ethics and standards.
Japan and Malaysia offer a different, highly practical lesson: AI as a tool for economic sovereignty. During Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s visit to Tokyo in June this year, the two nations established a formal AI Platform to bridge the gap between startups, research institutions, and industry. Japan is aggressively building AI partnerships to create alternative supply chains, reducing dependence on dominant tech powers. By aligning with ‘like-minded’ nations, countries like Malaysia are ensuring their industries – from semiconductors to natural rubber – stay competitive. Bangladesh, too, may leverage its growing relationships to build similar ‘Digital Bridges,’ focusing on technology transfer that directly serves our industrial and economic goals.
China has positioned itself as a major partner for the Global South, deploying AI tools that have immediate, tangible impacts on the ground. From AI-powered satellites helping Uzbekistan monitor cotton crops to the MAZU meteorological model- now used by meteorological agencies in over 40 countries- helping dockworkers in Djibouti and farmers across Southeast Asia navigate extreme weather. China is proving that AI diplomacy can be a powerful engine for development.
These aren’t abstract policy documents; they are tools that increase crop yields and protect infrastructure. When Bangladesh discusses AI cooperation with international partners, we should prioritise such ‘Digital Rice Bowl’ initiatives: using AI to predict agricultural yields, manage water resources, or modernise healthcare in rural areas.
It is vital to acknowledge the cost of hesitation. In the rapidly evolving landscape of international relations, diplomatic influence is increasingly tied to technological literacy. If Bangladesh remains on the sidelines, we risk facing a new form of ‘digital dependency.’ Without the internal capacity to evaluate AI-driven trade agreements, cybersecurity protocols, or data sovereignty issues, we become passive consumers of international norms rather than active architects.
Furthermore, the ‘AI divide’ could exacerbate existing inequalities. Nations that fail to integrate AI into their diplomatic and governance structures may find themselves disadvantaged in international negotiations, unable to leverage the data-driven insights that their counterparts now take for granted. By ignoring the transformative power of AI, we do not simply maintain the status quo; we fall behind in a global competition where agility and data-driven decision-making are the new currencies of influence. The risk is not just missing out on an opportunity – it is the erosion of our strategic autonomy in an increasingly digitised world.
Bangladesh has taken its first, thoughtful steps. Recent discussions regarding Russian assistance for AI policy and health applications are promising. Yet, we must move from discussion to integration. To remain a relevant player in the global arena, the following paths may be considered.
The nation should establish a dedicated, high-level Technology Diplomacy Division within the Foreign Ministry, tasked specifically with tracking emerging technologies and their impact on national interests. This division would serve as the ‘brain’ of the country’s tech diplomacy, ensuring that every embassy is equipped to address the digital dimensions of its relations with host countries. At the same time, it must embrace the concept of diplomatic sovereignty by recognising that AI is not a distant luxury but a tool for economic survival. The country should seek partnerships focused on training diplomats to understand the intersection of technology, security and trade, while ensuring that national data is protected, digital infrastructure is resilient, and Bangladesh’s voice remains active in global forums such as the UN’s AI advisory bodies. As a key member of BIMSTEC, SAARC and other regional platforms, Bangladesh can also take the lead in promoting South-South cooperation on AI governance. By sharing its experiences and developing collective positions, the nation can help safeguard the interests of developing nations and ensure that the global AI landscape is not shaped solely by the tech giants of the Global North, but also reflects the developmental needs and priorities of the Global South.
The transformation of diplomacy is not a distant prospect – it is happening now. By strengthening our diplomatic capacity to engage with emerging technologies, Bangladesh can ensure its voice is heard in the global conversation. It is time to build the diplomatic infrastructure for the next fifty years; not just to keep pace with our neighbours, but to secure a prosperous, technologically sovereign future for all Bangladeshis. The algorithm of statecraft is waiting to be written. Let us ensure that Bangladesh is holding the pen.
The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author
The writer is the former ambassador of Bangladesh to Sweden
