In the heart of Bogura’s agricultural belt, where the Dhaka-Dinajpur highway pulses with the trade of potatoes and paddy, lies Mokamtala. It is a place of paradox – a bustling commercial centre where modern banks stand alongside muddy tracks, and where political ambition is now racing against legal reality.
Despite falling significantly short of the legal benchmarks required for urban status, a determined move is underway to transform this union into a municipality, an initiative deeply entwined with the electoral constituency of State Minister for Local Government, Rural Development and Co-operatives Mir Shahe Alam.
This push for administrative elevation follows a period of significant regional restructuring; notably, a second upazila was formed in the area shortly after the Minister took office.
Widening gap between law and reality
The path to becoming a town in Bangladesh is paved with specific legal requirements, yet Mokamtala appears to be taking a shortcut.
According to the Local Government (Municipality) Act 2009, an area must host a population of at least 50,000 and maintain a density of no less than 1,500 people per square kilometre to qualify.
Moreover, three-quarters of its inhabitants must be engaged in non-agricultural professions, and 33 per cent of the land must be non-agricultural in nature.
Mokamtala struggles to meet these marks. While a recent ministry gazette has proposed declaring a portion of the union as a town, data from the 2011 census puts the population at only 30,288.
Even more striking is that the proposed municipality covers only 10 out of 24 mouzas, which Union Acting Chairperson Fahima Begum admits houses only about 20,000 people – well below the 50,000 threshold.
While the union is a commercial hub, the occupational criteria also remain unmet, as Fahima Begum noted that 50 per cent of the residents are businessmen while the remainder are mostly farmers or service holders.
Local justifications versus administrative silence
For local representatives, the push for municipality status is born of necessity rather than numbers.
Fahima Begum argues that the area’s growth as a commercial hub, hosting various banks, insurance companies, and major non-governmental organisations like Grameen Bank, BRAC, TMSS, and SSS, has outpaced its infrastructure.
She points to persistent mud and poor drainage as primary drivers for the change, suggesting that while taxes will rise, the facilities for the residents will finally match their needs.
However, when confronted with legal discrepancies, the administration remains notably reticent.
Shibganj Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO) Ziaur Rahman confirmed the application from local representatives had been forwarded to the ministry but avoided addressing the specific legal failures of the proposal, stating he would need to check the details before the conversation ended.
A landscape of prestige and political expediency
This trend of elevating unions based on political weight rather than legal criteria is a familiar pattern in Bogura, where some individuals have been elected mayor with as few as 2,500 to 3,000 votes.
Municipalities like Kahalu, Sariakandi, Nandigram, and Sonatala operate with populations far below the 50,000 requirement.
Sonatala even highlights its agricultural identity on its official website, noting the cultivation of paddy, wheat, chilli, jute, sugarcane, and bananas, despite its urban status. Existing municipalities such as Shibganj, Talora, and Dupchanchia also fail to meet the threshold, with the latter recording fewer than 29,000 residents in the 2022 census.
Professor Mamun Al Mostofa of the Department of Political Science at Dhaka University suggests that these “C category” municipalities differ little from Union Parishads and serve primarily as symbols of prestige, allowing leaders to be called “mayor” rather than “chairman.”
He notes that such entities often struggle with basic financial obligations, such as electricity bills, and remain heavily dependent on government grants for expenses, including the mayor’s vehicle.
Echoes of past naming controversies
The scrutiny surrounding Mokamtala is amplified by its close association with State Minister Mir Shahe Alam. This is not the first time the region has faced controversy over administrative changes linked to the state minister’s influence.
Previously, an attempt was made to name four new unions “Mirbari” after the Minister’s residence, and “Simanta” and “Diganta” after his sons, Mir Shakrul Alam Simanta and Mir Saklain Alam Diganta.
That initiative was only halted, and the names changed following a direct intervention by Prime Minister Tarique Rahman after widespread public criticism.
As the one-month window for objections to the new municipality proposal remains open, the debate continues over whether Mokamtala’s future should be defined by its legal data or its political aspirations.
