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Who controls the warehouses controls the prices

Who controls the warehouses controls the prices
Photo: Collected
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Every food price crisis in Bangladesh seems to arrive as a surprise. Headlines cite weather shocks, global market volatility, or sudden production shortfalls. Emergency meetings are convened. Imports are announced. Retail inspections are intensified. Yet the pattern is remarkably predictable. Farmers sell their harvest at low prices. Market rates collapse. Months later, the same commodities reappear at sharply higher prices. Consumers struggle. Inflation dominates headlines. And intermediaries positioned between farm and market quietly secure their margins. This is not a cycle driven by nature. It is driven by structure – by who controls storage, transport coordination, and the timing of market release along Bangladesh’s agricultural supply chains.

At harvest, supply is abundant but farmer liquidity is scarce. Loans must be repaid immediately, often at high interest. Informal credit carries social and financial penalties. Storage facilities are limited, particularly affordable storage accessible to smallholders. Formal banking rarely provides short-term working capital against standing crops. In such conditions, waiting for better prices is not a realistic option. Farmers sell because they must, not because the market signals are favourable. In contrast, traders, millers, and larger aggregators operate with warehouses, working capital, and organised transport networks. They can absorb temporary price declines, hold inventory, and coordinate the timing of release. When supply tightens months later, whether seasonally or due to policy shifts, they are positioned to benefit from rising prices. The farmer receives no share of that upside.

The recent onion crisis offers a clear illustration. There was no dramatic domestic production failure at harvest. Yet prices surged months later. By the time imports were announced and enforcement drives intensified, farmers had already disposed of produce at depressed rates, while consumers paid multiples of those harvest-time prices. The problem was a concentration of control over storage and the sequencing of supply release.

These pressures apply to rice, potatoes, jute, and other essentials. Bangladesh’s agricultural supply chains are multilayered and opaque. A single crop may pass through five or six intermediaries before reaching retail markets. Transactions are often verbal. Credit relationships are informal. Stockholding levels are undisclosed. Each layer extracts a margin. The producer, despite carrying weather, input, and yield risks, receives the smallest share of the final consumer price.

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From a logistics perspective, power lies at choke points: warehouses, mills, transport hubs, and distribution depots. Bangladesh has built roads, expanded trucking capacity, and developed port and inland container infrastructure. But infrastructure alone does not determine outcomes. Ownership, access, and deployment do. When storage is concentrated in the hands of a few, the ability to delay market entry becomes a form of price-setting power. What is often described as hoarding is frequently strategic inventory management enabled by unequal access to facilities. In the absence of mandatory stock disclosure during abnormal price movements, regulators, farmers, and consumers remain unaware of how much product is held and when it will be released. Retail inspections and fines, while necessary, target the weakest link. By the time goods reach retail markets, upstream pricing decisions have already been made. Without transparency and oversight at the level of bulk storage and milling, enforcement becomes reactive and largely symbolic.

Public procurement, intended to protect farmers during harvest-time price collapses, has been too limited to establish a credible floor price. Many farmers cannot access procurement centres due to transport costs, grading requirements, or delayed payments. As a result, the state’s presence in the market during harvest is too limited to influence private buying behaviour. When prices spike later, public stock releases are often too small or too late to stabilise markets effectively.

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Trade policy, meanwhile, has often amplified volatility. Imports announced during harvest depress farm-gate prices further. Abrupt export restrictions encourage speculative stockholding. Decisions driven by short-term political pressures weaken production incentives and reward those who can anticipate and exploit timing shifts.

The cumulative effect is economically risky. When farmers repeatedly sell below production cost, investment declines. Land fragments further. Younger generations exit agriculture. Domestic production erodes. Import dependence grows. Food inflation becomes more sensitive to global price swings and exchange rate pressures. What begins as seasonal distress evolves into structural vulnerability, affecting fiscal stability, foreign exchange reserves, and public trust.

A credible reform agenda would begin with transparency. During abnormal price movements, large stockholders should be required to disclose inventory levels. Such measures are standard practice in many food-producing countries. Transparency does not eliminate markets; it allows them to function without artificial scarcity.

Storage must no longer remain a privilege of capital alone. A functional warehouse receipt system would allow farmers to deposit produce in certified facilities and borrow against it. This would convert storage from a speculative tool into a production-support instrument. Countries across Asia have shown that when farmers can borrow against stored produce, distress sales decline, seasonal volatility moderates, and food security strengthens.

None of these measures require radical restructuring. Most can be initiated administratively within months if political will exists. The first 180 days of a new government offer a window to signal seriousness – by establishing inventory disclosure during abnormal spikes, expanding targeted procurement, piloting warehouse receipt financing in surplus districts, and launching a digital market information dashboard integrating production, stocks, and trade flows.

Such steps would not eliminate price fluctuations overnight. Agriculture is inherently seasonal. But they would alter incentives, reduce the asymmetry between those who must sell immediately and those who can wait, and make it harder to manufacture scarcity quietly. They would reassure producers and consumers that markets are being governed, not merely observed. The deeper lesson from global experience is straightforward. No country leaves food entirely to unregulated supply chains. Storage, futures trading, stockholding, and procurement are governed because food is not an ordinary commodity. It is economic stability, social welfare, and political legitimacy combined.

Farmers grow the food. Consumers finance the system. But those who control storage and timing shape the price. Rebalancing that equation is not ideological. It is economic common sense. Acting decisively where logistics meets markets will determine whether Bangladesh continues to relive predictable food crises, or finally builds a food economy that rewards production, protects consumers, and strengthens national resilience.

The writer is a Port Shipping & Logistics Strategist | Adjunct Faculty, Bangladesh Maritime University

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