The student movement for quota reform in June–July 2024 was widely regarded as a rare opportunity for both educational and societal reform in Bangladesh. What began as a demand for fairness in university admissions and government jobs quickly evolved into a broader call for structural and policy changes. Thousands of students took to the streets carrying their legitimate demands and dreams of systemic transformation. Yet, the reality that awaited them proved harsh and unrelenting. The initial sense of hope and relief following government change soon evaporated under the shadow of escalating mob violence and political unrest. Today, Bangladesh’s universities are no longer merely centers of learning; they have become arenas of fear and uncertainty. Students navigate campuses haunted by incidents of harassment and peer violence, the scars of which silently shape their daily lives.
In July 2024, the country’s educational institutions were swept by a 36-day nationwide movement demanding quota reform in government employment. Fueled by intense student sentiment and organised pressure, the movement spread rapidly – from the streets of Dhaka to the campuses of universities and colleges. The protests, punctuated by clashes, non-cooperation, and political agitation, ultimately precipitated the fall of the Awami League government.
While this political upheaval marked the beginning of a new chapter in Bangladesh’s history, its impact on education was devastating. The initial enthusiasm of the movement gave way to the rise of ‘mob culture’ within campuses. Within a year, the continuity of regular classes was frequently disrupted. Teachers faced repeated threats and pressure, profoundly affecting the teaching-learning process.
Young people are increasingly concerned about law and order, and the unchecked rise of mob-driven disorder. They aspire to access modern education and quality healthcare, and they prioritise reforms in education, health, and labour markets. These attitudes were captured in a survey conducted by the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) and ActionAid, released 8th July, 2025. The survey focused on youth perspectives on employment, education, and politics in the post-July uprising period.
When asked whether socio-economic conditions hinder their quality of life, 80 percent of respondents cited recurring arson, robbery, and theft as major concerns. Nearly 72 percent expressed worry over ‘mobs,’ and more than 61 percent agreed that public spaces, especially for women, were unsafe. Over half of the respondents (56 percent) expressed concerns about unjust and politically biased arrests and judicial processes. The survey sampled 2,000 men and women aged 15–35 across all eight divisions of the country, collecting data from both urban and rural areas between May 20 and May 31, 2024.
The governmental shift on August 5, 2024, failed to fulfill the secular and democratic aspirations many had hoped for. Instead, the nation witnessed the rise of far-right forces, religious coercion, and authoritarian practices. This represents a significant failure in Bangladesh’s political history, profoundly affecting the mental and social well-being of students and the general populace. Students who once mobilised to claim political and social rights now find themselves unsafe in their own campuses. The dream of an independent Bangladesh has transformed into a grim reality: religious extremism, political violence, and an authoritarian state now exert constant pressure on students from every direction.
This crisis is compounded by the long-term effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Universities were largely non-functional for nearly eighteen months, and although online classes maintained academic continuity, the vibrant campus life – the friendships, debates, and informal exchanges – was lost. Students had hoped that returning to campus would restore the joy and freedom of youth. But the violence and unrest of 2024–2025 have shattered that hope. Students did not merely lose opportunities for learning; they were forced to endure trauma and fear in the very spaces that should have nurtured their growth.
Teachers and administrators are equally demoralised. The bonds of trust and dialogue between students and teachers have been eroded. Educators now face the psychological burden of managing students’ anger and trauma while fulfilling their professional responsibilities. The post-movement generation has returned to campus profoundly changed, with diminished sympathy for past governments or political movements; anger, frustration, and trauma dominate their experience.
Following the July killings and mob violence, campuses have become alien and threatening landscapes. Students strive to protect their academic grounds, yet the dual burden of witnessing peer deaths and ongoing political repression has left them exhausted. Feelings of self-preservation, fear, and helplessness have intensified. Campuses are no longer safe havens; they are battlegrounds of courage entangled with trauma; resistance intertwined with fear.
The silence of university teachers during these crises has been deeply questioned. Students expected much from their instructors. Piercing the profound quiet reminiscent of the poet Jibanananda Das, students now ask: “Where were you all this time?” Teachers, constrained by incapacity and institutional inertia, face the moral weight of their silence. Some see themselves as victorious in revolutionary surge, yet the new student generation experiences the failure of past generations firsthand. The promise of a just, humane, and equal Bangladesh remains unfulfilled. Inequality, oppression, religious coercion, and the rise of extreme right-wing forces have weakened the state, and the fruits of struggle and reform have not reached the students who need them most.
Bangladesh’s campuses today are a mirror of the nation’s unfulfilled dreams – spaces once meant for learning and dialogue now marked by fear, trauma, and uncertainty. The nation’s youth, and indeed the nation itself, continues to pay the price for these systemic failures.
The writer is an Assistant Professor, Communication and Journalism at University of Chittagong
