As the nation edges towards national election under an interim administration, a surge in violent crime and the renewed assertiveness of underworld groups across the country, mainly in capital Dhaka and Chattogram have exposed the police’s deepening struggle to maintain control.
From old gang leaders resurfacing to politically backed criminals operating with impunity, investigators, academics and insiders describe a law-enforcement apparatus that is not only overstretched but, in many cases, unwilling or unable to confront the problem.
Throughout the country, especially in Chattogram, a spate of murders, territorial clashes and extortion rackets has left residents increasingly fearful. While police, RAB and DB units remain deployed, many of the most notorious criminals appear to operate freely—some from abroad, others from prison cells, and many more from political platforms where they face little resistance.
‘Election politics empowers criminals’
Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam told TIMES of Bangladesh that the run-up to elections typically allows criminals to reassert themselves. “Many candidates use them,” he said. “They get to appear in public, attend rallies, even move around with political leaders. In such situations, how much can the police really do?”
He insisted the force is “not rattled,” but acknowledged that political patronage creates conditions in which top criminals can roam openly. “People will judge this,” he said. “The police are performing their duties and continuing operations.”
Crime experts disagree. Md Tawohidul Haque, associate professor at the Institute of Social Welfare and Research of Dhaka University, said the police lack “realism, capacity and preparedness,” making it impossible to fully control the expanding criminal economy. He also called for better coordination between the judiciary and law enforcers, citing the ease with which hardened criminals secure bail.
A retired DIG echoed those concerns, describing severe shortages of modern technology, manpower and specialised training. Outdated methods and weak accountability mechanisms, he said, have allowed criminals to adapt faster than police units can respond.
Frightened officers, empowered criminals
Professor Omar Faruk of the department of criminology and police science at Mawlana Bhashani Science and Technology University argued that police capacity is far below what is required to tackle hardened networks. “In many cases, officers are worried about their own safety,” he said.
Indiscriminate bail, he warned, has emboldened criminals at a volatile political moment. With the electoral crisis intensifying, he urged the government to prepare a new list of identified offenders and bring them under the law.
Multiple intelligence agencies report that criminal groups used recent unrest to smuggle weapons across the border. Firearms looted during the 5 August uprising remain untraced and are believed to have strengthened several gangs. The police’s grassroots informant network—the foundation of intelligence-gathering—has also weakened drastically, leaving officers blind to the movements of armed groups.
Allegations of political bias, selective enforcement and human rights violations have further eroded public trust.
Dhaka: Old names reclaim old ground
In the capital, a roster of known figures—including Sanjidul Islam Emon, Tofayel Ahmed Joseph, Haris Ahmed, Sweden Aslam, Killer Abbas, Jisan Ahmed Monty, Pichchi Helal, Titon, Freedom Rasu and Bikash Kumar Biswas—has resurfaced. Many face long-standing allegations of murder, extortion or targeted killings.
DMP Additional Commissioner (DB) Shafiqul Islam said several criminals released on bail are now in hiding, while others are directing operations from abroad. “We are collecting intelligence and verifying their activities with technological support,” he said.
Chattogram: Law and order unravels
But nowhere is the crisis more acute than in Chattogram, where a wave of killings and growing lawlessness has exposed significant cracks in policing. Boro Sajjad, Chhoto Sajjad, Raihan Alam, Habib Khan and Major Iqbal are cited by police as the principal controllers of the district’s underworld. Many are fugitives abroad; others are in custody, yet continue to run operations through loyal “killing squads”.
Government sources allege that internal political tensions have paralysed police operations. Officers, uncertain which faction will dominate after the elections, are reportedly exercising extreme caution—sometimes to the point of inaction. This hesitation has created an environment in which criminals are able to act with increasing freedom.
DIG Ahsan Habib Palash insisted that police have “returned to full capacity” since the upheaval of 5 August but conceded that they are not receiving “adequate support from political parties or other relevant groups.” Without information from citizens, he said, meaningful action is impossible.
CMP Commissioner Hasib Aziz pointed to geographical challenges: Chattogram’s vast hilly regions, he said, function as “safe havens” for dangerous criminals, making it easy for fugitives to disappear and difficult for police to conduct sustained operations. Many underworld leaders operate transnationally, directing local activities from overseas—an added layer of complexity that local forces struggle to manage.
As insecurity deepens, calls for political unity, improved intelligence-sharing and more decisive policing have grown louder. But for many residents, confidence in the state’s ability to protect them continues to erode.
‘Criminals walk into police stations freely’
Tarek Akbar Khondkar, a member of the district law and order committee and son of BNP leader Golam Akbar Khondkar, said criminals in the region operate openly. “The police are not arresting terrorists without approval from political leaders,” he alleged. “Those accused of crimes go to the police station and chat with officers.”
He said that although police have been given lists of offenders in Raozan repeatedly, only a handful have been detained. “Most are still roaming freely,” he added.
The recent killing of Shromik Dal leader Abdul Mannan—without any arrests—has fuelled public anger and deepened doubts over whether the police are willing or able to confront the spiralling violence.
For now, spiralling violence offers a stark warning: as political tensions intensify, the underworld is thriving—while the police appear increasingly unable, unprepared or unwilling to stop it.
