Mujtoba Ahmed Murshed
For a long time, there have been political, cultural, and security-related issues between the indigenous people and the Bengalis over land ownership and the claim of an “indigenous” identity in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. These concerns have increasingly evolved into a complex problem. As a result, the presence of the military has been crucial and remains necessary to maintain stability in the region. It goes without saying that the Bangladesh Army has been working to ensure peace and security in this area.
If we turn the lens on the activities of UPDF, JSS, and KJF members, it becomes clear that they are heavily armed with weapons such as Type-56 rifles, AK-47s, and AR-15s. In such a critical security environment, the Bangladesh government had no choice but to ensure stability through military deployment. The police, equipped only with ordinary rifles and limited training, could not possibly maintain law and order against such well-armed groups.
Looking at these scenarios, one must ask, why was the military deployed in the hill districts? To understand, we need to recall the history. From independence until 1976, the police were solely responsible for security in the hills. So why did the government feel compelled to deploy the military in 1977?
After the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975, members of the so-called peace force reportedly received weapons training in India’s Tripura and Mizoram. In 1976, they launched armed attacks from Bilaichhari and Amchhari, killing police officers. It was precisely these violent assaults that led the state to deploy the military in 1977, ordered by the President General Ziaur Rahman.
Even after the peace accord, more than 250 army camps were withdrawn in good faith, yet the rebels never fully surrendered their weapons. Armed unrest in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) continues. The burning questions remains- why are these groups within Bangladesh refusing to abide by the country’s laws and constitution? How did they acquire such sophisticated, modern automatic weapons?
The answer is clear, – tribal political groups remain active in efforts to undermine security in the CHT. This raises further questions about how they have developed such a hardened stance against Bangladesh’s sovereignty. The evidence shows they are receiving consistent international backing. Organizations such as Minority Rights Group International (MRG), the International Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission (CHT Commission), FIAN International, and the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) have actively worked to challenge Bangladesh’s territorial integrity. Most recently, in connection with the incident in Khagrachhari, these groups submitted a joint petition to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD). In it, they alleged systemic racial discrimination against so-called Indigenous Peoples in the CHT and sought UN support to amplify their claims worldwide.
Amidst all this noise, demands for the withdrawal of the military continue to surface, which is irrationally pushed by a handful of local individuals and separatist groups aligned with external interests. But what lies behind this demand?
It is important to emphasize that the Constitution of Bangladesh already guarantees the protection of the culture and heritage of ethnic minorities and hill communities. The peace accord further ensured the protection of political and cultural rights. Given these safeguards, why then is there persistent pressure for formal recognition of “indigenous” status?
The reason is that if the international community recognizes them as ‘indigenous,’ they would gain special legal protections, which would allow local communities to make decisions outside the framework of the national law. This means that the hill people could claim sole ownership of their land and resources, disregarding the laws of Bangladesh in the course of time, and one day, by using international legal protection as a shield, foreign powers could eventually intervene directly in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, despite it being part of Bangladesh.
If we look at history, the division and discontent that still exist in the Chittagong Hill Tracts today are largely the legacy of British colonial rule. In 1900, the British established a separate administrative structure in the hill regions, which was primarily a strategy for maintaining control. This division continues to influence the social and political situation in the region, leading to political instability and separatist demands. Having this phase, the incomplete implementation of the 1997 peace agreement, particularly regarding land rights, local governance, and the lack of real communication of promises, has created the main foundation of despair in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. There is a political space for dialogue, and that must be upheld, not replaced with armed attacks.
However, exploiting these gaps, groups like the UPDF, JSS, and other separatist organizations have not only become political voices but have also transformed into an active armed network of organized terrorism. In the series, starting with small crimes, they have consistently activated violent methods through cross-border weapons smuggling, funding, and training. These groups strategically spread the false narrative that “the military is not a friend of the hill people” to create division among the local population. They dangerously sow social disunity and fuel separatism, aiming to portray themselves as an “oppressed nation” in the international arena.
Their terrorist activities not only pose a serious threat to the security and sovereignty of the hill areas but also to the entire nation. Therefore, they use every social instability or criminal incident as a tool to create a narrative against the military.
On September 23, 2025, the rape of a tribal schoolgirl sparked unrest in Khagrachari. Although the military arrested the suspect within a few hours, the UPDF attempted to divert the situation. Attacks were carried out on military vehicles, injuring soldiers. Tourists, students, and common people were also caught in the chaos. Consequently, three people were shot dead and several others injured on 29th in Khagrachhari’s Guimara upazila.
However, it must be stressed that the years of recurring violence in the Hills are not the product of ethnic rivalry or terrorism as they are so often portrayed. At their core these are communal assaults driven by deep seated land disputes, greed and animosity, sustained by a cycle of exploitation and hatred rather than any genuine insurgent cause.
Well, despite every pain and tears on the ground, the Chittagong Hill Tracts is an inseparable part of Bangladesh, and its hills belong to no one alone. This land is the soul of every person who lives here. Forgetting this reality or supporting calls to withdraw the military under divisive strategies would invite grave danger. The military’s presence has safeguarded the country’s geographical integrity, and thus, the people must stand by the military, prioritizing national interests and security.
Beyond any question, we must respect every citizen’s opinion and declare national unity to uphold. People from all communities- Chakma, Marma, Garo, Tripura, Santal, and Bengali should unite and say, “This country is ours, and these hills are ours.” Protecting cultural diversity strengthens national unity, but we cannot allow division under the guise of ‘indigenous’ recognition. In discussions, we must firmly uphold the definition of ‘indigenous status’ according to the Constitution and legal processes, rejecting any foreign influence or internal divisive tactics.
Last but not least, national interests must come first, so that the oversimplified humanitarian or cultural justifications for withdrawing the military are misguided and dangerous. This means the Chittagong Hill Tracts issue must be resolved through a practical action plan that balances both security and public rights, and therefore, the country’s people must stand firmly with the military.
The writer is a political analyst, poet, and litterateur
