In a series of pointed Facebook posts in recent days, Information and Broadcasting Adviser Mahfuj Alam targeted the country’s major political forces—including the ousted Awami League, the BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and various leftist groups.
In his latest post, titled “Two Words,” Mahfuj—who was introduced as the “mastermind” by Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus in front of former U.S. President Bill Clinton—called for a reckoning with the legacy of 1971, demanding public apologies from local collaborators of Pakistan’s war crimes.
“Pakistan committed genocide in this country. Even though Pakistan has officially apologised and is willing to do so again, their collaborators in Bangladesh have not,” he wrote, in a veiled attack on Islamic political factions including Jamaat.
He also issued a scathing rebuke of what he termed “Mujibist leftists,” accusing them of orchestrating political repression during the Awami League’s tenure.
“They are the brains behind the Shapla massacre and the anti-Modi protests. They belong to the 36th Division. Despite their betrayal during the July uprising, they remain entrenched and active, culturally and intellectually aligned against the pro-July movement,” Mahfuj alleged.
A group of youths who claimed to be freedom fighters shortly after Pakistan’s surrender on December 16, 1971, were referred to as the 16th Division. Perhaps Mahfuj, by mentioning the ’36th Division,’ was claiming that a faction of leftists joined last year’s mass uprising on August 5, popularly known as ‘July 36’.
Previously, Mahfuj confirmed that the interim government had resolved to ban the Awami League’s activities, adding that legal mechanisms were being introduced to outlaw the party altogether.
“The July Proclamation will be issued within 30 working days,” he stated.
Addressing criticism that students were hesitant to back the legal ban, Mahfuj clarified that he and fellow advisers Nahid Islam (a former adviser) and Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan had raised legal concerns within the cabinet while urging decisive measures against the League.
“Fascism must be defeated. Justice demands it. Tribunal-2 is being set up to accelerate the trial,” he added.
In an earlier post titled “Context or Complicity,” Mahfuj broadened his critique to the wider political establishment.
Without naming the BNP or Jamaat explicitly, he accused mainstream parties of maintaining their grip on the administration, judiciary, and police despite losing public legitimacy. He condemned what he described as efforts to restore the old two-party system by sidelining student leadership.
“Among nearly three dozen government appointments (advisers and officials of that status), only two are students. The establishment is committed to removing students from power,” he wrote.
Mahfuj also criticised the failure of student groups and civic committees to build enduring institutions after the July uprising, citing rural disengagement, elite capture, and partisan infighting.
“The political economy of the League remains untouched. The judiciary is still trapped in the old duopoly,” he said, lamenting how both the right and the left had undermined the July spirit—either through reactionary politics or ideological suspicion.
Despite his sharp tone, Mahfuj ended with an appeal to a still-unnamed political entity—widely interpreted as the BNP.
“We want to believe in that party and its leadership,” he wrote.
“They must show patriotism and pragmatism in supporting the ban on the League and the release of the July Proclamation. If they lead, students will follow. Do not disappoint this generation. It is the last line of defense for democracy and sovereignty.”