As the country edges toward its 13th parliamentary election—slated for 12 February—the nation finds itself standing at one of the most consequential junctures since its return to parliamentary democracy in the early 1990s. For the first time in more than a decade, millions of voters may be able to exercise their franchise in meaningful terms. Not since 29 December 2008—when a military-backed caretaker government oversaw what is widely regarded as the country’s last broadly free and fair election—have the people anticipated a vote that could genuinely shape political power.
The significance of this moment cannot be overstated. It comes after three consecutive elections—in 2014, 2018 and 2024—marred by allegations of fraud, intimidation and large-scale irregularities under the authoritarian Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime. Despite having come to office in 2009 through a legitimate and internationally recognised vote, the Awami League quickly moved to dismantle the very system that had enabled that transition. Crucial among these steps was the party’s decision to remove the caretaker government provision from the Constitution through the judiciary—upending a mechanism that had ensured competitive elections in 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2008.
What followed was a decade in which voters were effectively denied the chance to choose their representatives, institutions intended to check executive power were hollowed out, and the ruling party and its allies amassed sweeping control over the state and economy. For many Bangladeshis, especially young people, the country’s electoral system became synonymous with disenfranchisement and impunity.
A political order toppled by student-led uprising
If the authoritarian grip of Sheikh Hasina seemed unbreakable, July’s mass uprising—overwhelmingly led by students—proved otherwise. The movement, which swept through campuses and cities nationwide, confronted a regime increasingly reliant on coercion. According to a UN fact-finding mission, nearly 1,400 people were killed by law enforcement during the upheaval—an extraordinary level of state violence unseen since the 1971 War of Independence.
The government ultimately collapsed under the weight of its own brutality and popular defiance. On 5 August, Sheikh Hasina fled to India, marking the abrupt end of her 16-year rule. Stepping into the vacuum was Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, who assumed leadership of an interim administration supported by a Council of Advisers drawn largely from nonpolitical backgrounds.
For many, Yunus’s ascent brought an initial wave of optimism. His global reputation and outsider status fuelled expectations of sweeping reforms and a decisive correction of the dysfunction and politicisation that had taken root across state institutions.
But the honeymoon was brief.
A government facing high expectations and growing frustrations
Public impatience mounted as the interim government struggled to quell law-and-order challenges—one of its most persistent vulnerabilities. Reform efforts advanced unevenly, and criticism grew over areas where the government was seen to be falling short, including the restructuring of the National Human Rights Commission and reforms in the education sector along with some other vital fields.
Most pressing of all was the delay in announcing an election roadmap, which fed anxiety about whether a credible vote would materialise at all. Political parties argued over the timing of the polls and the promised referendum on the July Charter—a political settlement that had become central to BNP, now the largest legal political force after the Awami League’s activities were banned by executive order.
The deadlock eased only on 6 June, when the chief adviser delivered a televised address outlining the long-delayed roadmap. Even then, doubts persisted, amplified by misinformation and propaganda circulating widely on social media.
Only in recent days—after the Election Commission’s meetings with the president, chief adviser and chief justice, and finally the announcement that the election schedule would be declared on Thursday evening—has the country decisively shifted into election mode. For many, the moment felt like boarding an “election train” long stalled at the station.
Yet even now, uncertainty lingers. Deteriorating security conditions, despite military deployment with magistracy powers, and fears of subversive activities allegedly by Awami League loyalists have kept public nerves frayed. Bangladesh enters this election season with equal measures of hope and apprehension.
Why this election matters
For democracy-minded citizens, the promise of restoring accountability sits at the heart of this forthcoming vote. From 1991 to 2008, the system was far from perfect—but it maintained a baseline of competition and peaceful transfer of power. The decade that followed, many argue, demonstrated what happens when that equilibrium collapses: governance suffers, corruption proliferates, and public trust erodes.
The upcoming election offers a rare chance to reverse that trajectory. For some, it is a cautious opportunity—a necessary exercise but unlikely to immediately transform daily life. For others, it marks the beginning of a new democratic chapter, one that could re-anchor the country in the pluralistic politics lost in 2014.
Above all, it represents the final and defining test of the interim administration. Whatever its mixed record so far, the government’s legacy will be shaped by one question: Can it deliver a peaceful and credible election? If it succeeds, it may be remembered as the bridge that helped restore democratic choice to a long-disenfranchised population.
A generation awakened: Youth at the heart of the election
Perhaps no group symbolises the election’s significance more vividly than the country’s youth. It was young people—students, recent graduates, first-time activists—who catalysed the uprising that ended Hasina’s rule. Now, millions of them will cast a ballot for the first time.
Unlike older generations who focused primarily on basics such as food and shelter, today’s youth have a very different set of expectations shaped by the thriving age of technology and social media. They have grown up in the era of information technology. The internet, smartphones and social media have become symbols of power in their hands. They scrutinize every event, search for information and compare leaders’ promises with reality. As a result, the verdict of young voters in the upcoming election is likely to be far more aware, data-driven and influential.
Notably, according to the latest figures from EC, nearly three crore young people are currently included in the voter list—more than one-fourth of the total electorate. This number is not just a statistic; it represents a decisive force that will shape the politics of the future.
For the “children of 2008”—those born around the last widely accepted election—this will be a historic rite of passage. Many who filled the streets in July will enter polling stations with the belief that their sacrifice must translate into political change.
Their expectations of future leaders are sharply defined. Young voters want public representatives who are honest in their duties and responsible in their conduct. They expect leaders who remain above the politics of intimidation, oppression and tyranny—traits they associate with the darker chapters of the country’s recent past.
Education also matters deeply to them. They want leaders who are informed, enlightened and capable of making sound judgments. Beyond that, they want elected representatives who can contribute constructively to advancing the national reform agenda that many believe is essential for rebuilding state institutions and public trust.
Tolerance is another priority. The youth expect politicians to show respect toward opposition parties and dissenting views—something they consider fundamental to any healthy democracy. At the same time, they want leaders who can steer the country toward technological progress while expanding opportunities for employment, especially for the growing ranks of educated young people.
They also hope for leaders willing to confront and challenge longstanding social taboos that continue to shape daily life. Ensuring safe mobility and public security is equally important to them, as is upholding complete freedom of expression—an area they feel has eroded sharply in recent years.
Disillusioned by years of political patronage, tender-based corruption and showmanship, many young voters are ready to look beyond traditional parties. Young candidates, rather than aging political elites, have captured much of the public imagination.
This shift may prove to be one of the most transformative outcomes of the 2025 election cycle.
